B. The Gospel [pp. 165*–221*]
[p. 165*] B. GOSPEL
III, 1a Ἐν τῷ ιε΄ ἔτει Τιβερίου Καίσαρος ἐπὶ τῶν χρόνων Πιλάτου IV, 31 κατῆλθεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς (Χριστὸς [Ἰησοῦς]?) (ἀπὸ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ?) εἰς Καφαρναούμ, (πόλιν τῆς Γαλιλαίας [p. 166*] [Ἰουδαίας]?) καὶ ἦν διδάσκων (αὐτούς?) ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ· IV, 32 ἐξεπλήσσοντο δὲ πάντες ἐπὶ τῇ διδαχῇ αὐτοῦ, ὅτι ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ [“III, 1a In the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar, in the days of Pilate, IV, 31 Jesus came down (Christ [Jesus]?) (from heaven?) to Capernaum, (a city of Galilee [Judaea]?) and was teaching (them?) in the synagogue; IV, 32 and all were astonished at his teaching, because with authority”] [p. 167*] was his word. 33–35 The story of the healing of the demoniac; but only the words are preserved: τί ἡμῖν καὶ σοί, Ἰησοῦ; ἦλθες ἀπολέσαι ἡμᾶς. οἶδα τίς εἶ, ὁ ἅγιος τοῦ θεοῦ .... ἐπετίμησεν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς [“What have we to do with you, Jesus? You have come to destroy us. I know who you are, the Holy One of God .... Jesus rebuked him”]. About verses 36. 37 (the impression made by this healing) and 38. 39 (the healing of Peter’s mother-in-law) nothing is known. Then followed IV, 16–30: the appearance in Nazareth (later Marcionites substituted “Bethsaida”); but it was extremely abbreviated and probably [p. 168*] contained only the report that Jesus there provoked the Jews’ anger through a sermon, together with the proverbial saying (v. 23) ἰατρέ, θεράπευσον σεαυτόν [“Physician, heal yourself”], upon which followed the attempt to hurl Jesus down from the mountain (ἐξέβαλον αὐτόν … ἤγαγον αὐτὸν ἕως τῆς ὀφρύος τοῦ ὄρους [“they cast him out … and led him to the brow of the hill”]) and the words (v. 30) διὰ μέσου αὐτῶν ἐπορεύετο [“he went through the midst of them”]. Onto this was joined v. 40–43 (the report of the great work of healing, and that the people themselves came after him into the wilderness); what survives is a report on v. 40, 41, in which ἐξήρχετο δαιμόνια κράζοντα· Σὺ εἶ ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ. ἐπιτιμῶν οὐκ εἶα αὐτὰ λαλεῖν [“demons came out crying, ‘You are the Son of God’ — and rebuking them, he did not allow them to speak”]. From v. 42: ἐπορεύθη εἰς ἔρημον .. κατεῖχον αὐτόν [“he went into a desert place … they held him back”]; from v. 43: Δεῖ με καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις (ἑτέραις?) πόλεσιν εὐαγγελίσασθαι τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ [“I must preach the good news of the kingdom of God to the other cities also”].
Abbreviation (from Tertullian follows the curious rearrangement); Ephraem (not entirely clearly transmitted): “Ex cultu eorum probatur, quod de deo eorum ad eos locutus est, secus enim extra synagogas eum praedicare oportuit. ingressus est in Bethsaida [a correction by later Marcionites, who wished to sever every connection of Jesus with Nazareth] ad Iudaeos et nihil aliud in medium protulit, quod ad ipsum dixerunt, nisi hoc unum ‘Medice, cura te ipsum’. Et assumpserunt eum et foras duxerunt ad praecipitium montis. non est veresimile, quod hoc verbum Christi ad iram eos excitavit. at si de creatore ad eos locutus esset, et ideo ei hoc responsum dedissent, te eduxissent eum, ut eum detruderent, cur alio in loco evangelista talia non indicat?” [“It is proved by their manner of worship that he spoke to them about their [own] god; for otherwise he would have had to preach outside the synagogues. He entered Bethsaida — to the Jews — and brought forward nothing else in their midst except this one thing which they said to him: ‘Physician, heal yourself.’ And they took him and led him out to the brow of the hill. It is not credible that this word of Christ provoked them to such anger; but if he had spoken to them about the Creator, and they had for that reason given him this answer — that they led him out in order to cast him down — why does the evangelist not indicate such things anywhere else?”]. Tertullian IV, 8: “Et tamen apud Nazareth quoque nihil novi notatur praedicasse, dum alio merito unius proverbii [Kroymann deletes these two words] eiectus refertur” … “manus ei iniectas” … “detentus et captus et ad praecipitium usque protractus” … “per medios evasit” [“And yet even at Nazareth nothing new is noted that he preached, while for the sake of a single proverb he is reported to have been cast out” … “hands laid upon him” … “detained and seized and dragged all the way to the brow of the hill” … “he escaped through their midst”]. Accordingly M. has not stated the content of the sermon, but has himself inferred, from the ill outcome, that it must have been directed against the God of the Jews. That v. 27 was missing here, and with it much else besides, follows from the wording of v. c. 17, 17f (see there). The pericope is attested for M. also by Jerome, Contra Iohannem Hierosol. 34.
Cap. IV, 40–44: Tertullian IV, 8: “Mox tetigit alios, quibus manus imponens beneficia medicinarum conferebat . . . a daemoniis liberare . . . spiritus nequam excedebant vociferantes: ‘Tu es filius dei’ . . . sed proinde increpabantur et iubebantur tacere . . . In solitudinem procedit . . . detentus a turbis ‘Oportet me’, inquit, ‘et aliis civitatibus adnuntiare regnum dei’” [“Soon he touched others, on whom, laying his hands, he conferred the benefits of healing … to free from demons … the wicked spirits went out crying: ‘You are the Son of God’ … but likewise they were rebuked and ordered to be silent … He proceeds into a solitary place … detained by the crowds, ‘I must,’ he says, ‘announce the kingdom of God to other cities also’”]. 41 σύ [“you”] with numerous Latin [witnesses] > ὅτι σύ [“that you”] — Zahn takes the absence of 41 fin. (ὅτι ᾔδεισαν τὸν Χριστὸν αὐτὸν εἶναι, “because they knew him to be the Christ”) as a matter of course; I see no reason for this — 43 ἄλλαις(?), with D d e (εἰς τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις, “into the other cities”), > ἑτέραις — δεῖ με with B D, many Latin manuscripts, the Vulgate, > με δεῖ. The opening of the sentence with δεῖ με is otherwise unattested; but the Latin [witnesses] have it at least before εὐαγγελίσασθαι, whereas the order elsewhere runs: ὅτι καὶ τ. ἑτέρ. πόλ. εὐαγγ. με δεῖ τ. βασ. τ. θεοῦ.
[p. 169*] Chapter V. M. offered all the narratives of this chapter; but in detail only little is known. v. 3 Σίμων [“Simon”]. 9 Trembling because of the enormous catch of fish.
Cap. V: Tertullian IV, 9: v. 1–10 “Piscatura . . . in apostolos sumeret Simonem et filios Zebedaei . . . (10) dicens Petro trepidanti de copiosa indagine piscium: ‘Ne time, abhinc enim homines eris capiens’. 11 denique ‘relictis’ nauclis [sic; naviculis] secuti sunt eum” … 12–14 “leprosi purgatio” … 13 “tetigit leprosum” 14 “vetuit divulgare . . . , vade, ostende te sacerdoti et offer munus quod praecepit Moses, ut sit vobis in testimonium’” [“The catch of fish … that he should take Simon and the sons of Zebedee as apostles … (10) saying to Peter, trembling at the abundant catch of fish: ‘Do not fear, for from now on you shall be catching men.’ 11: finally, ‘having left’ their boats, they followed him” … “the cleansing of the leper” … “he touched the leper” “he forbade him to spread it about … ‘go, show yourself to the priest and offer the gift which Moses commanded, that it may be a testimony to you’”]. Tertullian (IV, 10) v. 17–26: “curatur et paralyticus, et quidem in coetu, spectante populo” [“a paralytic too is healed, and indeed in an assembly, with the people looking on”]. 21 “‘quis dimittet (immediately afterward: “non posse hominem delicta dimittere”) peccata nisi solus deus?’” [“‘who will forgive sins but God alone?’” (immediately afterward: “that a man cannot forgive offenses”)] 24 “filius hominis” [“Son of Man”] … “peccata dimittere eius est” [“it is his to forgive sins”] (immediately afterward “habere eum potestatem dimittendi delicta” [“that he has the authority to forgive offenses”]; Tertullian expressly remarks that here for the first time in the Gospel Jesus is called “Son of Man”) … “‘exurge et tolle grabbatum tuum’” [“‘rise up and take up your pallet’”]. Tertullian (IV, 11) v. 27–32: “Publicanum adlectum a domino” … 29. 30 “ethnicos et publicanos quos adlegebat” … 31 “medicum sanis non esse necessarium, sed male habentibus” [“a tax-collector chosen by the Lord” … “the gentiles and tax-collectors whom he was choosing” … “‘a physician is not necessary for the healthy, but for those who are ill’”]. 33–35 “Unde autem et Iohannes venit in medium? subito Christus, subito Iohannes” (so there had until now been no mention of him in the Gospel) … “discipulos Christi manducantes et bibentes . . . discipuli Iohannis assidue ieiunantes et orantes” [“But whence does John, too, come into the discussion? Suddenly [we hear of] Christ, suddenly of John” … “the disciples of Christ eating and drinking … the disciples of John continually fasting and praying”]. 34 “humiliter reddens rationem, quod non possent ieiunare filii sponsi, quamdiu cum eis esset sponsus, postea vero ieiunaturos promittens, cum ablatus ab eis sponsus esset, nec discipulos defendit, sed potius excusavit” [“humbly rendering the reason, that the sons of the bridegroom could not fast so long as the bridegroom was with them, but promising that afterward they would fast, once the bridegroom had been taken away from them — thus he did not so much defend the disciples as excuse them”]. 36–38 “errasti in illa etiam domini pronuntiatione, qua videtur nova et vetera discernere. inflatus es utribus veteribus et excerebratus es novo vino, atque ita veteri, i. e. priori evangelio, pannum haereticae novitatis adsuisti” [“you have erred also in that saying of the Lord’s, in which he seems to distinguish the new from the old. You have been puffed up like old wineskins, and you have had your brains knocked out with new wine, and so you have sewn a patch of heretical novelty onto the old, that is, the earlier Gospel”] … “vinum novum is non committit in veteres utres, qui nec veteres utres habuerit, et novum additamentum nemo inicit veteri vestimento, nisi cui non defuerit et vetus vestimentum” [“new wine he does not put into old wineskins — for he would not even have had old wineskins — and no one puts a new patch onto an old garment, unless he still had the old garment as well”] … [Tertullian adds] afterward: “in hoc dirigebat similitudinem” [“in this he was aiming his comparison”]. In what follows he explains that “similitudo” is the same as “parabola,” i.e. the word that stands in Ps. 77:2; so Tertullian had the text before him in Latin.
Epiphanius: Scholion 1: “Ἀπελθὼν δεῖξον σεαυτὸν τῷ ἱερεῖ καὶ προσένεγκε περὶ τοῦ καθαρισμοῦ σου, καθὼς προσέταξε Μωϊσῆς· ἵνα ᾖ μαρτύριον τοῦτο ὑμῖν” [“Go, show yourself to the priest and make an offering for your cleansing, as Moses commanded, that this may be a testimony to you”] — instead of which the Savior said, [according to the catholic text,] “εἰς μαρτύριον αὐτοῖς” [“for a testimony to them”] (Luke 5:14). Scholion 2: “Ἵνα δὲ εἰδῆτε ὅτι ἐξουσίαν ἔχει ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀφιέναι ἁμαρτίας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς” [“But that you may know that the Son of Man has authority on earth to forgive sins”] (Luke 5:24). p. 95 (chapter 2): Οὐ βάλλουσιν οἶνον νέον εἰς ἀσκοὺς παλαιοὺς οὐδὲ ἐπίβλημα ῥάκους ἀγνάφου ἐπὶ ἱματίῳ παλαιῷ, εἰ δὲ μή γε, καὶ τὸ πλήρωμα αἴρει καὶ τῷ παλαιῷ οὐ συμφωνήσει· μεῖζον γὰρ σχίσμα γενήσεται [“They do not put new wine into old wineskins, nor a patch of unshrunk cloth onto an old garment; but if they do, it also takes away the fullness, and it will not agree with the old — for a worse tear will result”] (following Hippolytus’s Syntagma; cf. Filastrius, Haer. 45: “Nemo pannum rudem mittit in vestimentum vetus neque vinum novum in utres veteres, alioquin rumpuntur utres et effunditur vinum” [“No one puts an unshrunk patch onto an old garment, nor new wine into old wineskins, otherwise the wineskins burst and the wine is spilled out”]).
Adamantius II, 16: Λέγει γὰρ πάλιν ὁ σωτήρ· “Βάλλουσιν οἶνον νέον εἰς ἀσκοὺς νέους καὶ ἀμφότεροι συντηροῦνται. τὸ καινὸν οὐκ ἔστι πλήρωμα τοῦ παλαιοῦ· πάλιν γὰρ λέγει ὁ σωτήρ· Οὐδεὶς ἐπιβάλλει ἐπίβλημα ῥάκους [p. 170*] ἀγνάφου ἱματίῳ παλαιῷ” [“For the Savior says again: ‘They put new wine into new wineskins, and both are preserved together. The new is not a fulfillment of the old’; for again the Savior says, ‘No one puts a patch of unshrunk cloth onto an old garment’”] (Rufinus’s Latin: “Dicit enim salvator quia ‘Si mittatur vinum novum in utres novos, utraque conservabuntur’. et iterum: ‘Nemo assuit assumentum panni rudis ad vestimentum vetus’”). Immediately after, once more: “Οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἐπιβάλλει ἀπὸ ῥάκους ἀγνάφου ἐπὶ ἱματίῳ παλαιῷ” [“For no one puts on a patch from unshrunk cloth onto an old garment”] (Rufinus: “Nemo assuit pannum rudem ad vestimentum vetus”).
[Translator’s note: the reconstructed verse text at the head of p. 170* follows.]
Chapter V (continued): —10: υἱοὺς Ζεβεδαίου [“sons of Zebedee”] … μὴ φοβοῦ, ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν γὰρ ἀνθρώπους ἔσῃ ζωγρῶν [“do not fear; from now on you will be catching men”].
11: ἀφέντες ἠκολούθησαν αὐτῷ [“having left [everything], they followed him”].
12: ἀνὴρ λεπρός [“a leprous man”].
13: ἥψατο [“he touched [him]”].
14: ἄπελθε δεῖξον σεαυτὸν τῷ ἱερεῖ καὶ προσένεγκε τὸ δῶρον (περὶ τοῦ καθαρισμοῦ σου?) ὃ προσέταξεν Μωϋσῆς, ἵνα ᾖ ὑμῖν (τοῦτο) εἰς μαρτύριον [“go, show yourself to the priest and offer the gift (for your cleansing?) which Moses commanded, that this may be a testimony to you”].
17: “coetus” [“assembly”].
18: παραλελυμένος [“paralyzed”].
21: .. δύναται ἀφεῖναι ἁμαρτίας εἰ μὴ μόνος ὁ θεός [“... can forgive sins except God alone”].
24: ἵνα δὲ εἰδῆτε ὅτι ἐξουσίαν ἔχει ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀφιέναι ἁμαρτίας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς … ἔγειρε καὶ ἆρον τὸν κράββατόν σου [“but that you may know that the Son of Man has authority to forgive sins on earth … rise and take up your pallet”].
27: τελώνης [“a tax-collector”]. 29, 30: μετὰ τῶν τελωνῶν [“with the tax-collectors”].
31: οὐ χρείαν ἔχουσιν οἱ ὑγιαίνοντες ἰατροῦ ἀλλὰ οἱ κακῶς ἔχοντες [“those who are well have no need of a physician, but those who are ill”].
33: οἱ μαθηταὶ Ἰωάννου πυκνὰ νηστεύουσιν καὶ δεήσεις ποιοῦνται [“the disciples of John fast often and make prayers”]. (the disciples of Christ) ἐσθίουσιν καὶ πίνουσιν [“eat and drink”].
34: μὴ δύνανται νηστεύειν οἱ υἱοὶ τοῦ [p. 171*] νυμφῶνος, ἐφ’ ὅσον μετ’ αὐτῶν ἐστὶν ὁ νύμφιος [“of the bridechamber, for as long as the bridegroom is with them”].
Notes and Apparatus
Title: It probably ran simply so [i.e. just “Gospel,” with no further qualification]. This follows from the fact that (1) Tertullian (IV, 2) expressly says that M. gave his Gospel no author’s name, not even that of Paul; (2) the Marcionite Megethius, [p. 166*] when asked about the author of the Gospel, answered “Christ,” but, pressed into a corner, then puts forward Paul as the author (Adamantius, Dial. I, 8); (3) the Marcionite Marcus names Christ as the author (loc. cit. II, 13f); (4) Epiphanius (Haer. 42, 10; Holl p. 106) remarks that he had both of M.’s books in hand, “the one called by him ‘Gospel,’ and the one called ‘Apostolikon’”; (4) [sic; read 5] the Fihrist (see Flügel, Mani p. 160) reports: “M. composed a book which he called ‘Gospel.’” Accordingly it is only possible, not probable, that “of Christ” stood alongside “Gospel.” Perhaps it was added later in some copies.
That the whole birth-narrative of Jesus (including the circumcision, IV, 7, etc.) was struck out by M. is stated repeatedly by Tertullian; that the preface and all the sections in Luke 1–2 were absent, and also the genealogies and the baptism of Jesus, is noted by Epiphanius (42, 11, p. 107; cf., on the absence of the genealogies, also Isidore of Pelusium, ep. I, 371); that the temptation-narrative was absent follows from Tertullian, Adv. Marc. V, 6, and from Epiphanius, Haer. 42, 11, p. 147f. At this point Epiphanius gives the opening of M.’s Gospel word for word: “In the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar” — unfortunately he breaks off with “and so forth.” The opening is attested, with continuations (though only in the form of a report), by Irenaeus (I, 27, 2: “Iesum autem ab eo patre, qui est super mundi fabricatorem deum, venientem in Iudaeam temporibus Pontii Pilati praesidis, qui fuit procurator Tiberii Caesaris” [“that Jesus came down from that father who is above the maker of the world, to Judaea in the times of the governor Pontius Pilate, who was the procurator of Tiberius Caesar”]; that the name of the emperor stood in M. emerges more clearly from Iren. IV, 6, 1), Tertullian (I, 19: “Anno XV. Tiberii Christus Iesus de caelo manare dignatus est, spiritus salutaris Marcionis” [“In the fifteenth year of Tiberius, Christ Jesus deigned to flow down from heaven, the saving spirit of Marcion”], cf. I, 15: “Quale est, ut dominus anno XV. Tiberii Caesaris revelatus sit?” [“How can it be that the Lord was revealed in the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar?”]; IV, 7: “Anno XV. principatus Tiberii proponit eum” [previously “Christum”] “descendisse in civitatem Galilaeae Capharnaum, utique de caelo creatoris, in quod de suo ante descenderat” [“In the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius he sets him forth as having come down into the Galilean city of Capernaum — down, of course, from the Creator’s heaven, into which he had previously come down from his own”] [after this, once more “Galilee,” and repeatedly “from heaven”] “. . . de caelo statim in synagogam” [“straightway from heaven into the synagogue”] … and then as a citation: “venit in synagogam” [“he came into the synagogue”]), Hippolytus (Philos. VII, 31: “that without birth, in the fifteenth year of the rule of Tiberius Caesar, he came down from above … to teach in the synagogues” — Hippolytus has this not from Irenaeus, but from another source), Origen (Comm. in Tit., vol. V, p. 283ff … “not born of a virgin, but that he appeared in Judaea as a man of thirty years”), Adamantius (Dial. II, 3: “in the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar, in the days of Pilate, he came down”; II, 19: “having come down under Tiberius, he appeared in Capernaum”), Ephraem (Evang. Concord. Expos., p. 130: “Nec coeperat docere extra synagogam, sed in synagoga” [“Nor had he begun to teach outside the synagogue, but in the synagogue”]), and an anonymous [Syriac writer] (Syr. Ms. Brit. Mus. Add. 17215; cf. Academy, 21 Oct. 1893): “Marcion said that our Lord was not born of woman, but stole the place of the creator and came down and appeared first between Jerusalem and Jericho, like a son of man in form and in image and in [p. 167*] likeness; yet without our body.” Whence the report derives that Jesus first appeared between Jerusalem and Jericho, I have not been able to determine. From the texts given, ἐπὶ τῶν χρόνων Πιλάτου [“in the days of Pilate”] is probable, and so is ἀπὸ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ [“from heaven”], since Tertullian paraphrases these words; the “utique” [“of course”] probably refers not to “de caelo” [“from heaven”] but to “creatoris” [“of the Creator”]. It should be noted that M. deleted the datings by the Jewish authorities [i.e. Luke 3:1’s list of tetrarchs and high priests]. Since Adamantius names only Capernaum, Tertullian adds Galilee, Irenaeus and Origen give Judaea, and the anonymous [Syrian] supports the latter reading, it would seem one must conclude that M. offered only Capernaum; but it is possible that Adamantius broke off the text at Capernaum, in which case “Judaea” has more probability than “Galilee.” It may also have stood in the accompanying exposition (the Antitheses). ἐν τοῖς σάββασιν [“on the sabbath”] (Luke 4:31) is unattested for M. That Christ came to earth from his own heaven, by way of the Creator’s heaven, is noted by Tertullian, following M., repeatedly (see e.g. IV, 22: “quia et ipse per caelum creatoris viam ruperat” [“because he himself too broke a path through the Creator’s heaven”]). Since this can only have stood in an exposition of M.’s, it must also remain open whether ἀπὸ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ stood in the opening of the Gospel. Yet M. also inserted ἀπὸ τῶν οὐρανῶν [“from the heavens”] in Luke 21:27. Finally, in the Gospel M. certainly had only κατῆλθεν [“he came down”] (this word is also attested by Esnik: “then Jesus came down a second time”); but in an accompanying exposition, or in the Antitheses, ἐφάνη [“he appeared”] must also have stood, for it is attested by Irenaeus, Tertullian, Origen, and Adamantius. — That Pilate was named in the opening of the Gospel is attested also by the unknown Syrian.
(Note on the whole of this section: from here through the rest of Part B, Harnack’s page layout gives, above a rule, a brief main-text narrative summarizing the course of the Marcionite Gospel at that point, and, below the rule, a much longer apparatus discussing the wording chapter by verse, introduced by bold “Cap.” labels; the latter is by far the greater part of the reconstruction’s substance. Both are translated continuously below; the “Cap.” apparatus is not re-labelled as a footnote block on every page hereafter, to avoid a distracting repetition of the header — it is understood to be the running critical apparatus that occupies most of each page.)
Cap. IV, 32 Tertullian IV, 7: “Stupebant autem omnes ad doctrinam eius, quoniam in potestate erat sermo eius” [“And all were amazed at his teaching, because his word was with authority”]. δὲ πάντες [“and all”] otherwise unattested > καί [“and”] (though δέ is not certain) — IV, 13 Tertullian repeats the saying, but after Matthew (Mark): “Obstupescebant in doctrina eius; erat enim docens tamquam virtutem habens” [“They were astonished at his teaching; for he was teaching as one having power”].
Cap. IV, 34 Tertullian IV, 7: “Quid nobis et tibi est, Iesu? venisti perdere nos; scio qui sis, sanctus dei . . . increpuit illum Iesus” [“What have we to do with you, Jesus? You have come to destroy us; I know who you are, the Holy One of God . . . Jesus rebuked him”]. ἔα [“Ah!”] is missing, with D a b c e f ff² l q cop. — Ναζαρηνέ [“of Nazareth”] deleted for dogmatic reasons — οἶδα [“I know”] with advers. Prax. 26 > οἶδά σε [“I know you”].
Cap. IV, 16–30: Tertullian IV, 7. 8, and Ephraem, Evang. Concord. Exp., p. 129, attest this pericope for M., but at the same time also attest its great [p. 168*]
[p. 170*] 10 γάρ [“for”] with D e > missing.
12 λεπρός [“leprous”] with D d (leprosus) > πλήρης λέπρας [“full of leprosy”].
14 ἄπελθε [“go”] with D a, Itala [Old Latin], Vulgate > ἀπελθὼν (δεῖξον) [“having gone, (show)”].
14 τὸ δῶρον [“the gift”] with Matthew, Cod. X, b, c, arm[enian] > missing (Epiphanius, in the Refutatio, charges M. with striking it out; but according to Tertullian he had it — one must probably assume a subsequent oversight on Epiphanius’s part) — περὶ τοῦ καθαρισμοῦ σου [“for your cleansing”] was perhaps missing in Tertullian’s copy, but it stood in Epiphanius’s — ἵνα ᾖ εἰς [“that it may be for”] with D a b c e f ff² g1.2 l q Ambrose > εἰς — ὑμῖν [“for you”], the preceding [witnesses] without f g1.2 > αὐτοῖς [“for them”]. Since these very same witnesses add τοῦτο (“istud”) (with varying position), it is probable that this word dropped out in Tertullian, since Epiphanius too offers it for M. Epiphanius, on the other hand, did not read εἰς in M.
24 ἆρον [“take up”] with ℵ D a b c f ff² g1 l q, Vulgate > ἄρας [“having taken up”] — τὸν κράβαττον [“the pallet”] with D c, Coptic > τὸ κλινίδιον [“the little bed”]. According to the Acta Archelai 44, whose antitheses are probably Marcionite, this took place on a sabbath.
30 “Ethnici et publicani” [“Gentiles and tax-collectors”], Tertullian > τελῶναι καὶ ἁμαρτωλοί [“tax-collectors and sinners”], but this is a free report.
33 Is it not a later Marcionite reading that in D e, instead of ἐσθίουσιν καὶ πίνουσιν [“they eat and drink”], stands οὐδὲν τούτων ποιοῦσιν [“they do none of these things”]? Ephraem, too, alludes to v. 33–35 in M.; see Hymn 47:2f against the heretics.
34 μὴ δύνανται [“they are not able”] with ℵ* D a b c e ff² g1, Ethiopic, Matthew, Mark > μὴ δύνασθε [“you are not able”] (M. did not read ποιῆσαι [“to make”], with the same witnesses) — ἐφ’ ὅσον [“for as long as”] with D e and Matthew > ἐν ᾧ [“while”]. That this saying was read by M. is attested also by an unknown Syrian writer (Schäfers, Eine [p. 171*] altsyrische, antimarcionitische Erklärung von Parabeln des Herrn etc., 1917, p. 59f.).